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Showing posts with label barack obama. Show all posts
Showing posts with label barack obama. Show all posts

Sunday, October 9, 2016

Frankenstein's Monster Redux - Wrecking Havoc from Day One.

Nearly eight years ago, on the evening of Inauguration Day 2009, a group of leading Republicans gathered for dinner and vowed to make the president inaugurated that same day a one term president. President Obama had nominated to the Cabinet two Republicans (including the Secretary of Defense) and reached across the aisle in his Inauguration Speech to champion a government for all Americans. But his presidency was to be undermined from day one by the dogged pursuit of the political goal of restoring a Republican to the White House above all. This in spite of the U.S. being involved in two ground wars and in the depth of an economic recession the likes of which had not been seen since the Great Depression. A situation that would seem to clamor for bipartisanship.

The conspiracy begat that evening eventually led to, among other things, the scuttling of the budget deal and the demonization of immigration reform, as well as to a few government shutdowns. The Republican opposition to President Obama relished, encouraged, grew and supported factions and groups that distorted his origins, mocked his race in the most disturbing ways and generally were visceral and toxic to government institutions in general and the president in particular.

The environment emanating from such confrontational partisanship is at the root of destructive interactions between and within our political parties. It is an environment that, fueled by the contrived hyperbole of fringe media (radio and on-line), desensitizes a basic sense of civility that allows social co-existence. Incendiary talk radio and web sites that are just a notch below in their rhetoric of the ones used by Hutus in Rwanda or Serbs in Bosnia to inspire genocidal rampages have become increasingly pervasive in the partisan dialogue and in social media. And with no doubt within this environment we can find the origin of that political Frankenstein monster: Mr. Donald Trump. A creature nurtured by an unfettered sense of entitlement, a sublimated inferiority complex and a craving for attention at any price. A creature pieced together and supported by a coalition of people exactly like him showcasing in social media and any other vehicle they may find their blinder constrained narcissism. These are not Bush or Romney Republicans, not Reagan or Clinton Democrats, confrontational and antagonistic, but they are politically alienated, for lack of a better word, anarchists.  Après nous, le déluge!

Trump’s claim to fame and biggest selling point is that he is a successful businessman, that he knows how to run a business, knows about money and that it is time someone with his credentials ran the country.  Setting aside the fact that he has not demonstrated that he has had the acumen to use his inherited fortune to grow it over market returns (without bilking thousands of customers, contractors and even state and federal government), the notion that a nation can be run like a business is spurious. The last time that was attempted here was by Calvin Coolidge and it led to the Great Depression.

A successful business is a closed system with a clear goal: survive market competition and the innovation forces of creative destruction to maximize the profits to its limited number of shareholders.  A successful nation is an open system that by regulating market failures, externalities and common goods seeks to maximize the well-being of all its citizens. The set of skills and knowledge that lead to success in one endeavor are not the same for the other.


If it were granted that Trump has been a successful CEO, to transfer his skill set to running the government could lead to the worst cases of influence peddling and conflicts of interest since Spiro Agnew (when America was great?). In a perfectly logical pursuit of benefitting his present and future investments, decisions impacting markets and regulations would be taken in “best for the business” mode, disregarding the overarching economic and political reasons for national government.

Of course, that is what some in the Republican leadership are counting on. Not that Trump will use the government to benefit himself personally (like any businessman would naturally tend to do), but that his lack of skills for governing will force Trump to call on them for assistance in running the country--at which point they will just tell him what to do. This party leadership tries to convince itself and a diminishing group of their followers that Trump is “politically manageable.” However that, a risky proposition at best, does not account for the obvious personality traits embodied in Trump.

Because power limits through checks and balances do exist, a temperament recognizing such limits and acquiescing to this most basic tenet of our government is one of the fundamental reasons to choose a candidate over another. Trump has made clear he does not believe in limits to his use and manipulation of power. The latest evidence of his sense of entitled power and his willingness to abuse it is the “Access Hollywood” video where he says: “And when you’re a star they let you do it. You can do anything.” 

President Trump as a risky proposition does not even begin to describe the possible scenarios of uncontrolled abuse of power that could occur with a White House occupied by an unapologetic reckless bully. A bully directly descended and nurtured by the blind partisan interest wrought upon the nation that cold January evening in 2009. This is a risk that America should not allow itself to take. It has a lot to lose.


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Wednesday, August 10, 2016

The Great American Con

It must be conceded that some Trump supporters are not only sincerely convinced Trump's beliefs and positions are based on true American values but believe these positions, if enacted, will improve their lot and their countrymen’s to “Make America Great Again.” Otherwise a Trump supporter is either a self-serving cynic or a willfully ill-informed disaffected protestatarian with anarchic tendencies. While these two latter characterizations do indeed define important groups of Trump supporters, these segments cannot to be reasoned with; and all of the three major groups, the American value based, the self-serving cynics and the anarchists, attract their share of morally reprehensible racists, xenophobes and nativists which are also beyond reasoning with.

Yet, it is within the first group, the one embracing their interpretation of American values, that we must seek to understand the appeal of the economic case Trump claims to have. This is a group of Americans that should be listened to, understood, and be afforded empathy, to start a conversation of reason. Not to do so is not only politically unwise, it seeds the possibility of a “better Trump” in the future: someone with the same divisive discourse but better disguised and better scripted. So, how does Trump then embody the emotional needs of these followers?

American Values

American values are set forth in several origin documents of the nation. The Declaration of Independence, establishing the right to representation and the foundation of inalienable rights; the Constitution establishing the separate powers of government, a united federation in pursuit of a common goal and the Bill of Rights; and the Gettysburg Address establishing American democracy as an experiment in progress. The Federalist Papers could be added, as they illuminate the thoughts and interpretation of our founding fathers on the first two documents and the role and promise of the union.

A common thread in these documents is faith and optimism in the future and role this grand experiment will have in the world. This has become a core value of America: a belief that the best is yet to come, that this is the land of opportunity, that there exists an inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness. This is at the root of what is commonly called American Exceptionalism. Trump makes a primal call to that core belief. He vociferously denounces America as a land that has lost its way and promises to rectify and restore that faith in America and its people. 

But Trump distorts the essence of American Exceptionalism and has deceived a large portion of the values group. He has done so by making up some facts unabashedly and distorting others, starting by his vague claim but catchy slogan “Make America Great Again.” By the numbers, this claim is spurious. Just a few gross indicators tells us that:
  • From 1947 to 2016 GDP per Capita (constant) steadily climbed from $13,407.01 to $51,276.06.
  • Infant mortality rates for full term births decreased from 15.2 per 1000 in 1960 to 2.6 in 2006.
  • High school graduation rates increased from 74% in 1990 to 82% in 2013.
  • The economy is currently in its longest streak of monthly job creation on record.
Civil rights have unquestionably expanded over the last 100 years and such expansion has accelerated at an increasing pace in the last 50. More Americans than ever can fully participate in the civil, social, political and economic life of their own country. Social nets have spread, nearly eliminating destitute elderly, protecting children and assisting low or no income Americans in their plight.

Those Jobs are Not Coming Back

Emotionally, however, the case to “Make America Great Again” rings true.  The flip side to the listed achievements attained is a sense of unfairness and abandonment from the technological and social displacement such progress has wrought. That is the raw nerve that Trump touches. Trump argues that American workers have lost their jobs to overseas cheaters, stoking xenophobia and false expectations simultaneously, promising (as do some Democratic politicians) to bring back “good manufacturing jobs” to America, typically meaning by that heavy industry and manufacturing jobs.

The reality is quite different, as technology is more to blame for such job losses. Silicon Valley technology thinkers are so aware of this issue that talk of “Universal Basic Income” is commonplace (along with speculation on the Singularity) among them. The UBI would be a way to ensure the welfare of everyone when all jobs are lost to automation and robots. But that is a whole other discussion and argument.

What is beyond argument is that technology disrupts the labor force, and that there is no turning back to a glorious past of a different (and “greater”) labor market structure. Productivity and output increases have been taking place in America and affecting the labor market structure. Suffice these examples:
Agro Industry:
  • From 1900 to 2000 farm employment fell from 41% to 1.9% of the total workforce
  • From 1948 to 1996 agricultural productivity increased 250%
  • From 1955 to 2000 agricultural and farm exports increased approximately 800%
Automobile industry:
  • 1980: 8,011,000 vehicles manufactured in the US by 725,000 workers – 11 veh/worker
  • 2014: 11,661,000 vehicles manufactured in the US by 714,000 workers – 16.4 veh/worker
  • The US accumulated Auto worker productivity increase from 1950 to 2013: 243%
  • Estimated growth 2014-2018 - Employment: 2.1% / Productivity: 2.4%
Steel Industry:
  • 1980: 101,455,000 Metric Tons shipped – employment: 398,829 – 254.38 MT per employee
  • 2014: 95,400,000 Metric Tons shipped – employment: 149,800 – 636.85 MT per employee
  • Overcapacity of the industry is estimated around 25 to 30% while steel imports estimated at 20 to 30% of the US market.

Electricity Generation:
  • 2006 Generation: 4,060 TWh / By coal: 2,000 TWh (49.26%) / coal used: 1,030,556 K Tons
  • 2014 Generation: 4,255 TWh / By coal: 1,600 TWh (37.60%) / coal used: 853,634 K Tons
Each of these industries has its own set of issues and problems, some of their own making, some related to unfair trade practices and some structural, but all indicate a substantial increase in output while reducing total employment or shifting resources. In fact, manufacturing jobs as a percentage of the total labor force has decreased from above 30% in 1960 to less than 8% in 2014 while manufacturing as a % of GDP has remained constant. No investor, businessman, entrepreneur or factory will give back the productivity gains attained to “Make America Great Again.”

Job Creation Blues

It is the reality and nature of a developing and growing economy that there will be labor force displacement, but no one expects or wants to return the economy to a country where 41% of the labor force worked in farms. The political promise of returning to an imagined better past is a pipe dream; in fact it is the original Marxist dream of Social Utopia. It also has striking visual imagery. The closed factories of old technologies create urban wastelands. Populists stand in a blighted area and decry such closings, making for a great image. It is not as striking to stand month after month in front of a hospital, a technology information park, or a construction site and say that in the last month more jobs were created than all existing jobs in the steel industry. If it bleeds it leads and that is red bleeding meat eaten up by voters of all persuasions.

According to labor economists it takes a little less than 150,000 jobs created monthly to keep the unemployment rate steady. Since 2010 this number has been exceeded repeatedly, decreasing unemployment from its peak of 10% in October 2009 to 4.9 % in August 2016. To compare, the highest unemployment rate since 1948 was 10.8% in Nov. 1982, and its lowest 2.5% in June 1953. Still, why does a steady stream of jobs created at a greater rate needed than by natural growth does not to quell the malaise that is touched upon by the slogan “Make America great Again”? When did this malaise begin?

Recessions strike employment as a lagging indicator, meaning unemployment peaks at the end of the recession once GDP starts growing again and impacts the labor market. The graph from the Federal Reserve clearly illustrates it well (shaded areas are recession periods). But this graph can also help us understand somewhat the underlying malaise tapped by Trump’s economic speech. The labor participation rate, i.e. the amount of people working and wanting to work, increased steadily at a rapid rate from around 1962, at 58% of the population, to 1990 at 67%. The participation growth curve slope starts to taper off in 1990 and peaks at 67.3 % in April 2000, climbing steadily down ever since to its July 2016 level of 62.8%.



Social changes have an impact, of course. The incorporation of women to the labor force likely explains part of the steep climb in labor participation rates between 1960 and 1990, while the growing peaks of recession-end unemployment rates in that period correlates to the desire of people to work during those years.  That growing participation curve can be interpreted as an optimistic outlook by the labor market. People expected the labor market to grow and have a good paying job waiting for them. Even in recessions, America was The Land of Opportunity. This may be, perhaps, the period to which Trump beckons when he says “Make America Great Again.”

The late 80’s and early 90’s changed the game. The biggest hoax perpetrated on the American people is the hoax of Supply Side economics. Begun with Reagan and synthesized in the phrases “trickle-down economics” and “a rising sea lifts all boats” but better described by Reagan’s own primary rival George H. Bush as "voodoo economics,” Supply Side economics transformed the economic landscape of the American worker.

The American labor market was under strain already. Technological disruptions (as described above) were driving down the manufacturing sector’s labor participation, and light industry, such as clothing and small goods, were feeling the beginning of globalization’s impact.  Starting in the mid 70’s the disconnect between productivity growth and wage growth became the norm. While many explanations for this disconnect have been put forward (including methodology problems measuring factors in the transit from a manufacturing to a service economy) undoubtedly the gap exists, resulting in owners of capital accumulating a greater share of the productivity gains than owners of labor.

The graph illustrating the disconnect between productivity and compensation (Lawrence Mishel, 2012) also indicates a sharp uptick in the slope of productivity gains in the advent of voodoo economics, while not as much in the hourly compensation curve, albeit it stopped declining.

In addition to these structural shift trends, income inequality has steadily increased in the US since 1969. Mercantilist policies, pushed by political “protectors” of business, created subsidies, tax loopholes and protective regulations resulting in increasingly non-competitive markets for goods and services benefitting the owners of capital. The GINI coefficient (indicator for income inequality) tells us that between 1969 and 2009 such inequality has increased an astounding 122%. This means that the increase in GDP per capita noted before has been distributed disproportionally at an increasing rate.

Increased income inequality has been directly correlated with increased divorce rates, increased personal bankruptcies and increased commute times, all associated with a lower quality of life. The increased income inequality pattern in America is a fundamental cause of the anger of the electorate with the political establishment as it fails to deliver the promised opportunity for a better life.

Hope and Greatness: Is There an Economic Case for Trump?

Reexamining the Unemployment/Participation chart from the Federal Reserve, 1990 onwards can now be understood as a period in which factors affecting the labor market structure and the remuneration of labor have come to a head. It is from that time that a trend of disillusionment begins for the American worker: a feeling that the American Dream is out of reach. It is no wonder that by 2008 the message of “Hope” resonated in the electorate enough to choose as president its purveyor, Barack Obama.  

Because the built-in structures (tax code) driving income inequality remain mostly unchanged, the faithful of voodoo economics hang on to the levers of economic policy and discourse, and the labor market structure is still buffeted by globalization and technology with no clear answer, it is no wonder that Hope gave way to Revolution in the 2016 election cycle. The “Rage Against the Machine” is understandable. And Trump preaches rage.

Yet, the answers Trump offers to quench this anti-establishment mood created by the disenfranchisement from the American Dream do not address the nature, origins or bases of this condition. His “recipe” includes more of the supply side economics that have been demonstrated time and time again to stifle growth and drive up inequality (supply-side faithful devotees are as blind to the failures of their economic ideology from the right as Marxist socialists are to theirs from the left). He promotes trade barriers potentially increasing by thousands of dollars per household prices for consumer goods from cars to TVs to toasters. Other agenda points in his recently announced master plan: weaken the social net and generally make the tax code more regressive for individuals and more generous for corporations, accelerating income inequality.
Trump’s answers are not the ones that will solve America’s woes. His answers do not even address the problems he highlights in his economic speech: job creation, fair trade and America’s “greatness.” It may be probable that by the way he posits the problems—with his knack for finding the raw nerve—and the way he parrots solutions from his supply side economic advisors, it may be just probable that he truly does not know how to link problems with solutions; and it is possible that at least some of those supporters that believed Trump could embody their aspiration of restoring America as the Great Land of Opportunity will soon see in Trump what Michael Bloomberg saw in him: A loud mouthed New York City conman.

Trump’s answers are not new, they have been tested before. Supply side economics has been tried throughout the world and failed—and brought us the Great Recession. His stance on trade has been tried before—and brought us the deepening of the Great Depression. And, beyond economics, his tribal stance of Country First has been done before—and brought us at its best ethnic cleansing and at its worst World War II. Trump is not the answer to America or is what America stands for. The grand experiment must go on, but different results should not be expected from trying the same solutions over and over again, no matter how loudly those solutions are pitched. His sales pitch is the Great American Con.

Decline and Resurgence of the US Auto Industry (EPI) (Accessed 8/7/2016)

The US Steel Industry, Where we Have Been, Where we are Going, Keith Buse Feb 2005, Citing statistics from the American Institute of Iron and Steel (accessed 8/7/2016)

Coal Usage for Electricity Generation (Accessed 8/7/2016)

Manufacturing and the GDP (Accessed 8/7/2016)

Total Electricity Generation (Accessed 8/7/2016)
Manufacturing Labor Participation Federal Reserve Blog (Accessed 8/7/2016)
Labor participation rate/employment Federal Reserve Blog (Accessed 8/7/2016)
US GDP per Capita (Accessed 8/7/2016)
Infant mortality (Accessed 8/7/2016)
GINI in the US: Income Inequality and its Costs (Accessed 8/7/2016)
The wedges between productivity and median compensation growth, Lawrence Mishel,  April 26, 2012, EPI Issue Brief #330 (Accessed 8/7/2016)

Sunday, July 31, 2016

The Voice of America

UPDATE: On November 8th 2016 Donald J. Trump won the presidential election and will be the 45th president of the U.S. Contrary to all predictions, pundits, and even his own expectations he became the president elect that evening. There are multiple reasons for such outcome and the election campaign and results will be fodder for writers for years to come. Points for further analysis include:
  • Overreliance on negative campaigning by Secretary Clinton: she tried to convince people not to vote for Trump, instead of to vote for her.
  • Low turnout in swing states. In some cases potentially by voter suppression, notably North Carolina, in others on account of the “Comey Letter,” the FBI Director’s untimely letter to Congress suggesting additional (and eventually unsubstantiated) wrongdoing charges against Secretary Clinton.
  • Third Party votes.
  • Influence of polling and the narrative of an inevitable “Clinton Coronation” on supporters who did not think their vote was needed for her to win.
A combination of these factors resulted in an election in which all expectations were trumped.

---------

Donald Trump is not going to be the 45th president of the United States. That is what most polls and forecasters predict. Electoral Vote, FiveThirtyEight, RealClear Politics and many others would make us believe that is the case. Hillary Clinton only needs 270 electoral votes and the ElectoralMap does not look good for Republicans no matter who the candidates are. So Democrats, progressives, moderates, many Republicans and rational people of all stripes and colors can breathe easy: Trump will be defeated by the Blue Wall. Right?


Clinton: 347 / Trump: 191
Yet, disregarding the fact that complacency seeds defeat, while Trumpism may not elect Donald Trump its legacy may survive him.  Just as the Tea Party before it, Trumpism is a movement rooted in a mish mash of social grievances addressed by populist politicians. Its leading figure, Donald Trump, has galvanized a sector of society that is willing to give him wide latitude with the facts as long as he embodies the frustration they feel. And that wide latitude makes for a big bandwagon in which frustration mixes with dark emotions.

Trumpism is beholden to Trump, a figure that voices a grievance and vows he alone has the truth, the solution and the will to carry it out. His solution is to take: take back from usurpers; take away from enemies; take down those who would question him. Trumpism seeks to ensure that the strong will prevail and the weak annihilated. Trumpism seeks to lead the country to a future new paradise where life will be so much better, just like it was in the old paradise. The tenets of Trumpism are the same ones of totalitarian rule, which thrives on the anxious frustrated seeking someone who will protect them from usurpers, enemies and questioners—and lead them to a promised land.

Donald Trump urges his followers to:
With these tools and techniques he presents himself as the spokesman of truths up until now purposely hid by politicians and “the mass media.” He paints a picture to his audience of an America and the world centered on visions of fear and violence. An America where the only valid optimism is to believe and trust in him as a strong leader that will do an undetailed “whatever it takes” to fight against those dark forces he presents in hyperbolic rhetoric and lead the country back to a paradise lost.

That is the essence of Trumpism, a distortion of what America is. That is not America. America is the Promised Land, the land of opportunity. A place where the daughter of a teenage housemaid or the biracial son of a single mother can become president of the United States. A place where new industries are born, a place where new ideas are bred and tested, a place that prides itself in having the pursuit of happiness as an inalienable right for its people, thus believing that the best is yet to come.

Nonetheless, when Trump loses he will have left the legacy of Trumpism with all its tenets as described: a moral black hole. That is why Americans need to stand up for what our country is about and demonstrate to the world that such legacy is repudiated. In this election it is not only votes that count, it is the voice that must be heard. Trump must not only lose. His ideas on how to change America from a bright land of opportunity for all to a dark divisive territory of suspicion of each other must be rejected soundly.

In this election Red and Blue states don’t matter. Even if electoral college votes of any state remain in their historical trend, people in “red states” have to vote against Trumpism, as many as can do. People in “blue states” have to vote against Trumpism, as many as can do. New York and California must not only be in the blue electoral column, they must overwhelmingly reject Trumpism. Mississippi and Georgia can be in the red electoral column, but by the smallest margins ever. 

The voters of America, the popular vote has to say it loudly: Trumpism does not represent America.  Every vote counts as a voice against Trumpism. We owe it to the world to contain Trump and his ideas within a wall of their own.


 Wall Object created by LA street artist Plastic Jesus (AFP Photo/Mark Ralston)
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Monday, July 11, 2016

Tear Down That Wall.

 
Drip, drip. Drip, drip. Eroding the stones. Drip, drip. Altering the mind. Little by little.
 
We keep getting signals, messages, dog-whistles from mainstream and fringestream media, from right wing echo chambers, from leftie universes, from Washington’s bubble… all speaking to, no, stoking the Aggrieved Mind. And then we wonder (not really) why Dallas happens, why Orlando happens, why Tucson happens, why Colorado Springs happens, even why San Bernardino happens. All them shooters with a grievance in search of a ready-made cause, a social excuse for their mayhem. Drip, drip, talking heads drip poison into the foundation, stain, ultimately rip the fabric of our nation, our world, separating the parts and building walls between all.
 
Build that wall is the rally cry. Unfriend, delete, ban, keep us all separate and (un)equal. A tribal and ghettoized state of mind that makes sure no common ground is allowed, because it compromises the purity of ideals, be they an interpretation of the constitution or of class or social or political identity. Purity is what matters. It is always the other one at fault, rarely a glance inwards allowing a broader view based on a crazy notion that everyone is created equal and endowed by their creator with unalienable rights.
 
I write these lines of apparent despair and hopelessness after a week of tragedies and head spinning events. Independence Day weekend was eventful in its own right. While the world was reeling from mass murders of Westerners in Dhaka, Shia in Baghdad and a (probable) response to that last one by multiple bombings in Sunni Saudi Arabia we all were tense, thinking of the unthinkable during America’s party.
 
Amidst the tension, Secretary Clinton was interviewed by the FBI on Saturday 7/2 to culminate their probe into those (damned) emails. On Tuesday 7/5, FBI Director James Comey said the FBI had not found sufficient evidence to prove a crime had been committed. He characterized Clinton’s actions as “extremely careless” but not “gross misconduct” which could have been indictable. To be so, her (110 out of nearly 40,000) emails would have to have been shared with people who had no security clearance, and she would have had to willfully and knowingly lie and obstruct the investigation (like, for instance, Gen. Petreus did). Unfortunately we have no true judicial comparables because the server maintained by the RNC in the White House --and from which twenty two million emails by Karl Rove, Scooter Libby and others were deleted when the inquiries into CIA agent Valerie Plame’s outing were being carried out -- was never subject to a public scrutiny such as the one on Clinton’s server.
 
Director Comey also mentioned that there was a possibility that the server installed by a former President in his fortified house and guarded by the Secret Service theoretically could have been hacked, but there was no indication or proof regarding such hacking (as there was for the White House, the State Department the FBI and the DoD – even the NSA). She also used her blackberry in foreign countries and that can be dangerous to National Security.
 
Director Comey got promptly hauled in by Republicans to testify before the House Oversight Committee of Congress, where this man, a career prosecutor involved in investigating Whitewater under Kenneth Starr, who as Acting Attorney General stood up to President Bush’s acolytes against illegal wiretapping under the Patriot Act (and had to eventually leave the Bush government because of it), and a well-known Republican, had his ethics, methods, thoroughness and motives questioned.
 
The same day as Director Comey read his statement asserting there was no criminal case to be made against Secretary Clinton was the last day in the life of Alton Sterling. This was a brutal killing of a black man while being held to the ground by two police officers and shot four or five times point blank. No congressional action, investigation or statement on this one.
 
The next day, Wednesday, the day Comey testified before congress and the Attorney General decided to follow his recommendation, another gruesome video was posted on social media: a young black man, Philando Castile, bleeds to death next to his fiancée, with his four year old step daughter-to-be strapped in the back seat, as a police officer points a gun at him. Again to Congress this life, and so, so many others not caught on tape, does not seem to matter.
 
With Clinton Derangement Syndrome (and here) fully in bloom both within the Republican right and the Democratic left, and with Trumpism firing up passions from all sides of the spectrum and everyone ignoring large portions of alienated America, the aggrieved mind finds itself ready to hit the destroy button. This time it was in Dallas.
 
“This is not just a black issue. This is not just a Hispanic issue. This is an American issue,” said President Obama referring to the factual gross disparities in incidents involving African-Americans and police stops with unpredictable consequences under the same circumstances as white people. “Would this have happened if those passengers would have been white? I don’t think it would have.” That was Governor Mark Dayton from Minnesota. “I’m going to be talking to white people. I think we’re the ones who have to start listening to the legitimate cries that are coming from our African-American fellow citizens.” That was Secretary Clinton (full speech), maybe referring to Congress? They have hearings all the time, but do not listen.
 
“Our nation has become too divided. Too many Americans feel like they’ve lost hope. Crime is harming too many citizens. Racial tensions have gotten worse, not better. This isn’t the American Dream we all want for our children.” That was Donald Trump, reaching out to our better instincts for a change, but not calling for any other action except “We must restore law and order. We must restore the confidence of our people to be safe and secure in their homes and on the street.” Another wall; this time, a Blue Wall.
 
We are in a ghettoized nation with factions demanding bigger walls to contain themselves in and keep the Others out, lashing out to those on the other side. The poison drip coming from all sides needs to stop; a stop to the endless water torture affecting minds, even artificially intelligent ones. Partisan politics does not seem to get it -- not even to hold a (probably pointless) hearing.
 
America’s original sin of slavery still has not been washed away. We are not living in a post racial America, despite unquestionable strides by African-Americans and other minorities in our society. There are still remnants, throwbacks, back steps in the process of building a nation for all its citizens. Our country and the world needs leadership with a vision that recognizes the tribal instincts, that recognizes the disruption of a world filled with Others and recognizes the need to reach out to that Aggrieved Mind behind the wall, beyond the bubble, in the other universe. A vision to lead towards building a future, not looking backwards. Not stoking petty divisiveness, not inciting hateful acrimony, not building bigger walls. Are we not better than that?

Sunday, October 11, 2009

Healthcare - An Update

As healthcare legislation is poised to be discussed and voted on in Congress, this topic was commented in Chapter 3 "A Pair of Primary Issues," in the essay "Our Health Care Market Dillemma" dated May 3rd, 2008 (pp. 23-27):
"Extreme regulation is inefficient though, and trying to regulate the health care industry as currently structured will just lead to greater societal costs, more free riding and greater value transfers to the healthcare gatekeepers. The economic incentives within this market take us to the logical conclusion that less people at a higher price will receive lesser quality care in the future. The industry’s structure, as it stands, leads to insurance companies going out of business if they do not recognize that they have to cater to the healthier and wealthier. This is the way our health care industry works. It is not that evil or shadowy individuals do not care about sick people. It is the structure of the market that leads to this inevitable outcome, and this needs to change."
Expanding on this part of the book, here are some additional thoughts on the healthcare issue as it stands today, in a three part essay examining the economic, moral and political issues framing the debate.

The Cost of Healthcare (Part 1) - The Economic Case for Healthcare Reform

By the time you have finished reading this, more than one person under age 65 and over 18 will have died in the U.S. due to lack of health insurance. Every 12 minutes someone else becomes a number in that statistic. It is entirely possible that the best care in the world may not have saved that someone, but that family member, neighbor, friend, acquaintance, or six-degree-separated addition to that statistic was unable to know if it could have been the case. Ensuring the best possible healthcare is provided to members of our society who need it is an issue that has dogged the nation for over 100 years. Tinkering and baby steps have created institutions and programs such as the CDC, The VA Hospitals, Medicare and Medicaid, smallpox eradication, polio, rickets measles and other common disease minimization, flu immunization, and the End-Stage Renal Disease (ESRD) program among others; programs that sometimes work, and sometimes are bogged down by rules that contradict the objective of the program. Yet, over 160 million Americans every year have claims denied, problems with their claim or are outright uninsured, facing deteriorating health, bankruptcy and death. The cost of not reforming health care is greater than otherwise, and this case can be made in economic, moral and political terms. This is the first of a three part essay addressing healthcare reform on these terms.

The Economic Case for Health Care Reform: The Doctor’s Bill

In a free and unregulated market, public goods are monopolized by private providers that are driven to serve the most profitable segment with the lowest risk. Government has generally understood this “market failure” principle, as in the case of public education, an example of private, public, as well as non-profits mixing together in an effort to make education accessible to everyone. If no possibility of a publicly funded basic education existed, natural oligopoly forces would drive the price of education ever higher, while the same schools would try to lower their cost by being increasingly selective in their admission policies. Having a public option, makes private schools more affordable for those who want it, and guarantees access for all to an education that improves the intellectual and skill pool of the labor market: a productivity bonus for everyone.

The notorious “death panels” are alive and well, and get paid bonuses when health care is denied to those in need. Repeated cases of insurance companies engaging in this practice in order to increase profits are well documented. There is no control mechanism or regulation to make these private companies behave differently in their natural drive for profits, and it is entirely within the rights of these companies to seek to maximize their profits. In a free, unregulated market, their actions are perfectly understandable. It is the mission of these companies within our free enterprise system to seek to decrease costs and increase profits. It is logical then that they will try to increase the rates as much as they can, and drop as many expense creating liabilities (people in need of health care) as they can. If Big Company A is not as effective diminishing liabilities and increasing profits as Big Company B, the shareholders of A will not be happy, sell Big Company A stock, and buy stock in B. The end result of this market structure is that it skews to the healthier and the wealthier, a diminishing pool that eventually has limited growth for A as well as B. As people are dropped either actively, by coverage denial, or passively by the unaffordability of the premiums, they may get bombarded by Little Company C, D, E and others, with seemingly affordable rates and coverage; except that when they actually need the service, exclusions, limitations and deductibles are even more pervasive than in A and B.

The 46 million or so Americans with no insurance includes a great number that can afford it but do not get it because they think they do not need it; and to a certain extent that may be true. They are young and healthy, and live a healthy lifestyle. Insurance companies would very much like to mandate these people to buy policies to increase their market pool of healthy customers, especially when not competing with a player that focuses on healthcare as a public good, not as a profit market. The market structure as it exists drives the insurance companies to cater to the healthier and the wealthier. It is in society’s best interest to alter this structure so as to change the incentives.

The costs of the healthcare plans being discussed in Congress are astounding, in the trillions of dollars. But, let us be clear, that money will be spent, regardless whether it is by the government or by private individuals, unless nobody goes to the doctor anymore. This is the doctor’s bill for the nation, as charged by the whole of health services provided. The essence of health care reform is cost driven, in order to get the inefficiencies out of the system and so that we can all spend less in this essential public service, whether through the private market or as part of a public option. To focus on the great amount of money allocated by the government on healthcare for all Americans is to focus on the wrong issue. This is money that is simply shifting from one pool to another, and its sheer size just amazes us when we see it in one big number. The cost of health care, those trillions of dollars, is already being borne by all Americans by:
  1. Paying private insurance, from the insured’s own pocket or as an employee benefit; moneys which come from the stagnant wages of the employee and the company’s customer’s purse.
  2. Subsidizing by local, state and federal taxes health services for the uninsured, typically emergency and critical care, shifting from wellness management, chronic and preventive treatment to acute treatment, the most expensive of all treatment, and
  3. Lost productivity in the economy, e.g., sick days and underperforming employees.
This is a short overview of the economic structure problems in the healthcare industry, a structure that requires an extra player to at least balance somewhat its shortcomings in servicing the public good. The market structure as described favors the private sector profit motive, but ignores the character of public good (in the economics definition of the term) that is implicit in healthcare. Undoubtedly even relatively mild illnesses such as the flu cost our economy billions in lost productivity and therefore output. More catastrophic illnesses or medical needs, and death have also a direct economic impact. The loss to our economy of five lives per hour is not just in output lost, but in the increase of costs due to greater use of emergency and high cost procedures instead of preventive medicine. When our society is healthy, productivity is higher and there is an economic benefit for all.

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The Cost of Healthcare (Part 2) - The Moral Case for Healthcare Reform

True healthcare reform will be less expensive for the nation as a whole than the system we have now, unless there are Americans that truly do not get covered at all and are refused any treatment whatsoever. That would be the only way to keep the system as is and lower the cost of healthcare overall, and it should be consensus that this is a morally unacceptable option: the “death panel”. To lower the cost in a morally acceptable way there are two issues to tackle: the inefficiencies of the system and the structure of the system. Regarding efficiency, the questions that must be answered include: has the quality of healthcare overall improved at a rate that justifies increasing its cost at a greater rate than the rate of inflation? Are we paying for a healthier nation than we were one, two, ten years ago? What does drive the cost of healthcare?

The Moral Case for Health Care Reform: A Better Life for All

In evaluating the financial statements of insurance companies, the economist Uwe E. Reinhardt reports that McKinsey has compared the administrative costs of similar insurance companies in OECD countries with different healthcare market structures. The excess cost is estimated to be $150B in 2008. These administrative costs come primarily from product design (new insurance products/types of policies), underwriting (vetting for pre-existing conditions, among other tasks), and marketing. A pair of additional studies cited by Dr. Reinhardt compares administrative costs in Germany and Canada with those in the U.S. In the first case Americans pay $380 more per capita ($1,520 for a family of four in 1990, the year of the study), and in the second $752 more per capita ($3,008 for that family in 1999). These are amounts paid for the administrative costs of the insurance companies as part of their overhead, not for providing health care services, products or development. According to Dr. Reinhardt, the overall estimated overpayment in administration costs to the insurance companies would have covered this year’s cost for true universal health care. Within the health care industry this is just a portion of the excessive costs that add up to make it a bloated and inefficient way to deliver medical care to Americans.

The excessive costs borne by the American healthcare consumer are reflected in the day to day lives. Health care costs are absorbing the production capacity of individuals and businesses alike. According to a recent survey from the Kaiser Family Foundation reports that in 2009 the average cost of job-based family health insurance climbed 5%, making it the 10th year in a row that it has grown faster than inflation and wages. The average cost of this type of insurance was $13,375, of which 73% was paid by the employers. When faced with unemployment, the COBRA payments would average more than $1,200 monthly and when self-insured, and without the leverage of large pools of group insurance, families face an ever increasing financial burden, just to keep insurance. The moment a claim is filed, premiums go up, exclusions are triggered and payments are denied, following the economic logic of the current market structure. When need in health care, individuals then face the decision tree of getting the service, hence risking a rise in premiums and future exclusions, or not seeking treatment, risking further complications and definitely lowering the quality of life. When providing healthcare to their employees, businesses forego money for wage increases, new hires and expansion. A recent report from The Business Rountable (an association of the largest U.S. company CEOs) estimates that, if nothing is done, by 2019, the average annual cost of providing insurance under our present system will be $28,530. The costs have increased and are increasing faster than inflation, but the quality of life and wellbeing of our nation as a whole has not increased by any measurable statistic.

The average family facing catastrophic needs, chronic or major illnesses is likely to get limited care, lose health care coverage, and face bankruptcy. In 2005, a Harvard study found that approximately 700,000 bankruptcies annually or 50% of the total, were directly caused by medical bills affecting nearly 2 million Americans, that more than 75% of those bankrupted by illness had insurance at the start of the illness, and that 38% had lost coverage at the time of filing for bankruptcy. In 2007, according to the American Journal of Medicine, the percentage of bankruptcies attributed to medical costs had increased to over 62%, still with 75% insured at the start of the illness. The rate of broken families and suicide associated with financial distress and home foreclosures adds to the impact of health care bankruptcies. Added to the stress of acute healthcare needs, these additional financial burdens directly strike to the heart of the American family and the American dream.

This is the system that we have now to provide for a public good, a formula that leads to the consequence of inadequate coverage and financial insecurity as a natural outcome. When combined with the waste of a bloated administrative overhead, this is morally wrong; as it is morally wrong to allow our fellow citizens to suffer a condition that can be demonstrably alleviated in a reform that is beneficial to all the members of society.

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The Cost of Healtcare (Part 3) - The Political Case for Healthcare Reform

It is important to understand when talking about the 1/6th of the economy (almost 16% - or $2.28 Trillion a year) dedicated to healthcare that this number is substantially greater in the U.S. than in other countries. The healthcare sector includes medical and healthcare goods and services, pharmaceutical, biotechnology and other products and technologies, as well as health management organizations, hospitals, and healthcare insurance. The U.S. spends more overall and more per capita on healthcare than any other nation, but this number does not say it all. In an analysis by the previously cited Dr. Reinhardt, a regression curve analysis (his graph is shown) is applied to different per capita spending in comparable countries, and the result is that per capita spending on healthcare is directly correlated to GDP per capita. In other words, if you have more money to spend, you will spend more money. The richer a country is the more each citizen of that country spends on the country’s healthcare sector. Yet, despite that the over $16,000 a year spent more than in the comparable economies and systems can be compared to a substantial “healthcare tax” on the average American family, no accountability or better results seems to come from that money spent.

Dr. Reinhardt argues that this regression curve also predicts what the per capita spending should be, given the GDP per capita of a country. The U.S.’ in 2006 should have been around $4,819, but was actually $6,714, approximately 40% more than what would be the norm for other economies and countries, according to the curve. It begs the question, is that almost 16% of the economy dedicated to the healthcare sector a sign of its strength or of its inefficiency?

The Political Case for Health Care Reform: We Can Do Better

When comparing five capitalist democracies approaches to healthcare, the size of the healthcare sector in the U.S. is 32% greater than it’s closest comparable, Switzerland. Switzerland is home to some of the largest pharmaceutical and insurance companies in the world, so this sector is sizable for its economy. In the U.S. there are other large components of the healthcare sector, each of which has a role in contributing to or reducing costs as a whole. Let us examine further.

Medical Technologies and Research

The largest number of medical innovations worldwide is commercially developed in the U.S., due to greater spending in research in America. In 2006 it was reported that out of the 22 most recent Nobel prizes in medicine, 15 had gone to Americans or researchers in American universities, while 7 had gone to researchers in other countries. The U.S. government spends over 7 times as much as European governments on medical research, and private companies spend over four times as much in America as they do in Europe. Out of the six major medical innovations of the last 25 years, one is from Switzerland (angioplasty), one that was developed in Germany (mammography) one in Japan (statins) and one in the UK (CT Scans/MRI) were improved in the U.S., and two are considered American (coronary bypass, and ACE inhibitors). While whether medicine is "socialized" as it is in Germany, Switzerland, Japan, the UK or Canada (where recently a non invasive technique for confirming breast cancer has been developed) does not in and of itself promote or hinder technological development in the field, investment does. Investment in medical technology research is proportionally greater in the U.S. than in the rest of the world, and that drives up that healthcare dollar per capita number. These innovations and developments create worldwide benefits, so in effect there is some “free riding” occurring, where the rest of the world benefits from the investments made within America. The total spent in research and innovation, however, amounts to less than 3% of the whole healthcare sector GDP, i.e. much less than 0.5% of U.S. GDP. The savings are not to be found by cutting spending here, quite the contrary. By encouraging more investment in this sector to make medical prevention and care more effective, by expanding immigration policies to encourage more intellectual capital to come and remain in the U.S., and by improving the educational baseline at elementary and high school levels—especially in math and science—more effective healthcare may develop.

Medical Drug Use and Development

Pharmaceutical research and development has given us a cornucopia of medications and drugs that have improved and prolonged the life of many throughout the world. This has been done riding on the back of a patent protection framework which allows funding and long development pipelines; but it is possible that there are excessive costs generated by this sub sector because profit margins, as reflected by the financial statements, are very much above the average corporate profit margin. It is not the role of the government to determine when a particular industry is “making too much money”, as there are many different factors that make any particular industry more profitable than another. In the case of the pharmaceutical industry, the risk of a particular investment is high, as product development pipelines can be very expensive and lead to negative outcomes after years of funding. This financial risk is partially protected by the government in the form of patents. A successful product will be allowed to be monopolized by a company so it can get greater than normal returns for its investment in this product to cover investments in other, failed product lines. Patent protection should allow major pharmaceutical companies to have profit margins in line with the profit margins of major corporations of other sectors, so why are the margins so much higher?

It is said that Americans are overmedicated. There is a pill and a supplement for everything that ails us, as in a type of “Jetson” cartoonish mentality. The public and the medical providers are constantly bombarded with marketing campaigns for over the counter or prescription drugs that will help us defeat the problems caused by our lifestyles—as well as for problems we did not know we had. As Americans we are willing to buy large amounts of products from the pharmaceutical companies and from the unregulated health supplement manufacturers to compensate for our unhealthy lifestyles. Ineffective or redundant overmedication is part of the “excess” spending in health care, an excess driven by the market and lifestyle choices of our society. Other drivers of these costs however should be looked at.

While the development of new drugs is to be encouraged, there is no mechanism that allows establishing true comparables between new drugs, drugs they replace (as the patents run out), and existing alternate remedies. That is, there does not seem to be a clear channel between the patent office, the FDA and independent testing researchers to determine if a new expensive drug has the same effect as an existing one, a health supplement or perhaps even a traditional home remedy—the analyses are narrow. The current regulatory structure is skewed towards the development and patent protection of new drugs, leading thus to the creation and marketing of new drugs—and a pill for everything that ails us. Likewise the unregulated nature of the health and natural supplement market makes Americans spend inordinate amounts of money in little more than compacted dirt and pulverized herbs with great claims but no proven effectiveness. The under funding of the FDA has not allowed it to address these two areas (broad analyses and supplements) where savings by the way of effective and cheaper medication and improved wellness for the American consumer may exist. The political deal to push healthcare included a hands-off arrangement to the current structure of the pharmaceutical industry. It is in this industry’s interest that the incentives as they exist are kept for the development of new drugs over existing ones and remedies, that food, diet and health supplements not be regulated or certified for medical and wellness use, and that the pool of people buying medicine increase. There is a discussion to be had on this point down the road; but pharmaceutical lobbyists have been very effective in postponing it.

Medical and Health Administration

As we go down the list of healthcare sub sectors, the administration systems for providing health care seem to be one where true savings can be found. Particularly the area of medical records is ripe for this streamlining and even the insurance companies would garner substantial savings if this relatively simple step, in conceptual terms, could be enacted. The idea is straightforward: every time you go to a new doctor you have to fill out you medical history, which then is placed in a folder, which goes into that holder in front of the examination room and later into a filing cabinet in the back room of the doctor’s office. The amount of time spent by you and countless other Americans just filling out and handling these forms, and the potential errors and omissions in doing so, represent billions of dollars of inefficiency; a clear opportunity for savings exists here. A networked information system, sharing information in a centralized database, and accessible by the patients through passwords, PINs or even biometrics could streamline medical histories and avoid many costly mistakes. The privacy concerns in constructing such information repository are as great as those of the existing centralized record keeping of Americans’ financial records used for determining credit scores i.e., surmountable. Secure access to this information by a patient authorized provider can be guaranteed, and record checking and updating by the patient can be done from his or her home.

There is a significant business opportunity here, a business that by eliminating all the man-hours wasted in duplicate and faulty recordkeeping can accrue great value. The technology and the data exist; they just need to be put together by the software and minor hardware technologies. This process can also flag fraudulent claims within Medicare, for example, with the consequent savings that have already been projected. The possibilities for streamlining costs, reducing fraud, and producing real substantial savings while providing better care make this area one in which special interests may interfere to appropriate these savings. It is critical that special care be taken to ensure that in fact this sector truly generates its potential for better care, efficiently delivered in a cost effective way to reduce that per capita healthcare dollar number.

The Medical Insurance Sector

The pressure is currently on insurers to become more efficient and reduce costs, so great portion of the debate has been on reforming this sector. However, the insurance sector as a whole does not have excessive profit margins when compared cross-industry to other corporations of similar size. It has already been demonstrated that it is the administrative and overhead costs that are excessive when compared with similar companies of the same industry in similar countries, and this may be attributed in part to the underwriting component of the administration. This is the part dedicated to examining particular cases and individuals to ensure that coverage is allowed, either before issuing the policy or when presenting the claim. It is sadly ironic that the resources dedicated to excluding and denying claims are what bring down the profit margin of the insurance industry to cross-industry comparable levels, when the cost to the consumer is up to 40% higher than in other comparable countries.

But another major component of this sector requires a close look. Cost savings can be achieved by examining the use of defensive medicine in order to shield practitioners and administrators. This practice raises costs both by increasing the amount of interventions and by forcing up malpractice insurance rates. Different interests are involved in this quandary that balances treatment, responsibility, liability, fairness and justice tugging at each other within a complex issue. In the pursuit of better care, the practice of defensive medicine can do harm, but doctors and medical administrators may feel forced to engage in it to protect themselves from future liability.

We Can Do Better

In reviewing the political issues related to health care we can see that action resulting in bringing down the costs should focus mostly on administrative practices of the medical field and of the insurance companies. There can be substantial savings in the pharmaceutical sector as well, and a clear drive to encourage healthy lifestyle choices should be part of public health policy. In medical administration, incentives to encourage the pooling and sharing of records and histories could make the delivery of medical services more effective at the same time as saving billions of dollars. It is also a way to decrease fraud within the existing Medicare and Medicaid programs.

The insurance companies have no economic incentive but to cater evermore and increasingly to the healthier and the wealthier, despite that the increased marginal cost of doing this has brought down their profit margins. This is why they want to increase the pool of the insured to include individuals that are healthy and do not believe they need to buy insurance, so they do not buy any. It would be a political mistake to mandate insurance to all without including a control mechanism that made sure that “cherry picking” by the companies still left out those in need of medical treatment and created more "free riding" on emergency and public services (as it occurred with the “health co-ops”). The insurance sector is in need of an additional player that can bring some sanity to the existing perverse incentives within it that give us an expensive system with inadequate coverage.

The public option is that player, a new part in that structure that will help adjust the shortcomings of the present system, not perpetuate them, and an effective correction to the bloated and inefficient healthcare sector that crowds out resources for wage growth and new investment, while delivering mediocre results for the money spent. Opponents to such an option argue that in the UK or Canada, for example, when the sector has such a direct intervention by the government the standard of care decreases, including preposterous arguments such as shortages of medical services and supplies—as if the market would not compensate for that. While this is a lie brought out to light by the fact that the wellness factor is greater in these countries as measured by such things as average lifespan, heart disease rates, obesity, chronic disease treatment, and the like, it begs the question to these opponents when they say no to reform: do you really think the U.S. cannot do better?

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